A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale
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The White House and the Middle East—from the Cold War to the War on Terror

The Middle East is the beginning and the end of U.S. foreign policy: events there influence our alliances, make or break presidencies, govern the price of oil, and draw us into war. But it was not always so—and as Patrick Tyler shows in this thrilling chronicle of American misadventures in the region, the story of American presidents’ dealings there is one of mixed motives, skulduggery, deceit, and outright foolishness, as well as of policymaking and diplomacy.

Tyler draws on newly opened presidential archives to dramatize the approach to the Middle East across U.S. presidencies from Eisenhower to George W. Bush. He takes us into the Oval Office and shows how our leaders made momentous decisions; at the same time, the sweep of this narrative—from the Suez crisis to the Iran hostage crisis to George W. Bush’s catastrophe in Iraq—lets us see the big picture as never before. Tyler tells a story of presidents being drawn into the affairs of the region against their will, being kept in the dark by local potentates, being led astray by grasping subordinates, and making decisions about the internal affairs of countries they hardly understand. Above all, he shows how each president has managed to undo the policies of his predecessor, often fomenting both anger against America on the streets of the region and confusion at home.

A World of Trouble is the Middle East book we need now: compulsively readable, free of cant and ideology, and rich in insight about the very human challenges a new president will face as he or she tries to restore America’s standing in the region.



From Publishers Weekly

In this epic, remarkably readable history of U.S. involvement in the Middle East from Eisenhower to Bush II, Washington Post reporter Tyler uses an up-close, journalistic style to depict the power struggles and compromises that have defined the past half-century. Tyler focuses on key turning points in U.S.–Middle East relations and documents the conversations and real-time decision-making processes of the presidents, cabinet members and other key figures. Readers are treated to an intimate view of Eisenhower''s careful, steady diplomacy during the Suez crisis, Kissinger''s egocentric and fateful decision to fully arm Israel in the October war of 1973 while Nixon struggled through the Watergate scandal, and the tangled web of communication and intentional deceit during the Reagan administration that led to the Iran-Contra scandal. Tyler makes the issues and relationships clear without resorting to oversimplification or ideological grandstanding, and his journalistic instincts steer him toward direct quotation and telling anecdotes rather than generalization. Readers in the market for an examination of how leadership has embroiled the U.S. in the Middle East are well-advised to consult this riveting text. (Jan.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

About the Author



PATRICK TYLER has reported extensively from both the Middle East and Washington for The New York Times and The Washington Post. A Texan, he lives in Washington, D.C.



From The Washington Post

From The Washington Post''s Book World/washingtonpost.com Reviewed by Steven Simon Patrick Tyler, a former foreign correspondent for the New York Times and The Washington Post, has written an engaging but idiosyncratic account of U.S. interactions with the Middle East from 1956 onward. He sums up this period as "a half century of costly miscalculations in the Middle East" and writes that it is "nearly impossible to discern any overarching approach to the region such as the one that guided U.S. policy through the cold war." Indeed, he says, "what stands out is the absence of consistency from one president to the next." Many people, even many veteran U.S. diplomats, are likely to agree with this verdict. In 2005, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, echoing George W. Bush, maintained that U.S. policy toward the region was a 60-year record of failure because the United States had mistakenly pursued stability at the expense of freedom. The Bush administration acted on this diagnosis and jettisoned stability -- without, unfortunately, fostering freedom. Critics of Washington''s Middle East policy tend to fall into distinct camps. Those on the left blame the United States for supporting authoritarian regimes. Neoconservatives point a finger at feckless and often malign leaders in Arab countries. Neorealists argue that Israel has hijacked U.S. policy and redirected it against Israel''s adversaries, to the detriment of American interests. Tyler seems to occupy all three positions. Let''s take them one at a time. It is true that Washington has often treated the Mideast as a playing field in global conflicts. Until 1989, the United States and the Soviet Union cultivated client states and strove to ensure that their protégés were generously funded and well armed. The United States embraced Israel, Jordan, the conservative monarchies of the Persian Gulf and, until 1979, Iran. By the early 1970s, after Anwar Sadat threw 50,000 Soviet advisers out of his country, Egypt joined the list of U.S. dependencies. After 1980 and the eruption of Iran''s Islamic revolution, Iraq was taken on board. Washington''s worries about Soviet intentions were understandable. We now know, for example, that the Soviets had contingency plans to invade Iran, take the Khuzestan oil fields and perhaps penetrate the Arabian Peninsula. Still, Tyler is right to suggest that the superpower rivalry obscured a clear view of the Middle East. Both the United States and the USSR missed opportunities to intervene constructively and to stave off conflict in 1967 and 1973. In the 1990s, with the disappearance of the Soviets and emergence of Hezbollah, Hamas and al-Qaeda, battling Islamist extremism replaced the Cold War as the organizing principle for U.S. action. But, as in the previous epoch, extravagant mistakes were made: The United States invaded Iraq and botched the occupation while allowing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to fester. At the same time, the people of the Mideast have been cursed with leaders who rule without governing. For all the blunders of successive U.S. administrations, one wonders how much better they could have done, given the corruption and oppressiveness of many Middle Eastern regimes. Tyler points to these problems but tends to attribute bad outcomes to Washington''s mistakes. The idea that Israel has led the United States into successive calamities is also key to Tyler''s account. In his retelling of the 1967 war, he portrays the Israeli military as opportunistically plotting a war of conquest, as though Egypt''s threatening rhetoric and its closure of the Tiran Strait to Israeli shipping were merely theater. Central to this interpretation is the visit to Washington of an Israeli intelligence official, Meir Amit, who was sent to assess Washington''s willingness to muster an international flotilla to reopen the strategic waterway. Tyler argues that Amit falsely reported to the Israeli Cabinet that the United States was doing little, because he wanted to push Israel over the precipice to war. But, in fact, nothing much was going on, partly because the international community was not interested and partly because, as Secretary of State Dean Rusk said, "the Joint Staff has a bad case of [Gulf of] Tonkinitis." Amit''s assessment was fundamentally correct, and Tyler fails to note that Amit tried unsuccessfully to persuade Israeli leaders to postpone an attack for yet another week, just to give Washington more time to intervene. Tyler also depicts Soviet behavior in the run-up to the war as sober and constructive, when it was anything but. As Isabella Ginor and Gideon Remez explained last year in Foxbats Over Dimona, the crisis was heightened considerably by Soviet air force flights over Israel''s nuclear reactor. Tyler''s chapter on the 1973 war also seems off-kilter. Here the villain is Henry Kissinger, whose allegedly strong sense of Jewish identity and emotional commitment to Zionism supposedly led him to press for a resupply of Israeli forces. This in turn empowered Israel to launch new wars of conquest, according to Tyler, such as the 1982 invasion of Lebanon. Tyler seems to misunderstand Kissinger''s objectives, which were to ensure that the Soviet-backed combatants would be clearly defeated -- but not destroyed -- by America''s ally and to get a modicum of leverage over Israel after the shooting stopped. Kissinger was a consummate realist and highly unlikely to let sentiment undermine strategy. And as Jeremy Suri showed in his recent Henry Kissinger and the American Century, Kissinger''s attitude toward his Jewish heritage was complicated and apparently untouched by the Zionist dream. His post-Holocaust concern for Israel does not seem to have been any greater than that of his non-Jewish colleagues. Tyler concludes that Kissinger "found it impossible to advocate a course in the Middle East that ran counter to the prevailing consensus of Israel''s leaders, even to the detriment of U.S. national interest." This goes well beyond an accusation of dual loyalty. Once he gets to Iran-Contra and the Gulf Wars, Tyler is on firmer and somewhat less eccentric ground. The narrative is also better informed, no doubt because he was a witness to some of the more recent events and his access to sources was direct. Some of his anecdotes are also good, because they illustrate larger themes of cluelessness and frustration: President Ronald Reagan and his national security adviser planning to rope Saudi Arabia''s King Fahd into shaking the hand of Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres at a banquet; President Bill Clinton fretting about the possibility that Yasser Arafat might hug him in front of the media; a thoroughly soused CIA director George Tenet in the Saudi Arabian ambassador''s swimming pool, railing about being set up by the Bush White House as the fall guy on Iraq. (Tenet denies that the incident took place.) At the end, I was left thinking that, for all the frenetic inconsistency of U.S. policy toward the region, over the past 40 years Washington has steadily pursued two goals that were widely thought to be mutually exclusive: the security of Persian Gulf energy producers and the security of Israel. Each generated its own problems. Our commitment to the Saudis contributed to the rise of al-Qaeda, while support for Israel antagonized many Arabs and provided the rationale for an OPEC oil price hike (though that probably would have happened anyway). As a new administration takes office, there is no external threat to Gulf oil, and the United States has robust military bases on the Arabian Peninsula. Israel, though plagued by perennially weak political leadership and locked in a deadly embrace with the Palestinians, is militarily unassailable (short of Iran''s development of a nuclear bomb). Not everyone would agree that these two, overarching goals were the right ones. But they were the ones that Washington set for itself, and for all the oafishness often demonstrated by U.S. policymakers over the years, capped by the Bush administration''s manic failures -- which Tyler describes so well -- we have largely achieved them. The Obama administration will likely adopt them, too.
Copyright 2009, The Washington Post. All Rights Reserved.

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Top reviews from the United States

Michael Griswold
4.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Middle East Equals Trouble
Reviewed in the United States on June 13, 2011
Patrick Tyler in A World of Trouble has created a highly engaging though more than depression ladden analysis of U.S. policy within the Middle East from Eisenhower through the end of the George W. Bush administration. No administration comes across as sterling silver and... See more
Patrick Tyler in A World of Trouble has created a highly engaging though more than depression ladden analysis of U.S. policy within the Middle East from Eisenhower through the end of the George W. Bush administration. No administration comes across as sterling silver and most of them have either made things worse or kept around a status quo that just brought more problems than solutions. Where I would usually asail a book for leaning to the left or right in matters of Middle Eastern policy there really is no ideological ground to land on when I say that both parties have stunk up the joint as thousands of citizens throughout the Middle East through programs of autocratic crackdowns from U.S. and Soviet supported leaders to programs of military intervention or non military intervention as the case may be during the post Cold War era.
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A Customer
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Important read for bkgrd against which to view current events
Reviewed in the United States on February 14, 2017
Giving an excellent view of past problematic events and how they were handled - this is an Important resource for knowledge against which to judge how events, as they are unfolding and will continue to, are handled. The past is prologue but - it is also a critical... See more
Giving an excellent view of past problematic events and how they were handled - this is an Important resource for knowledge against which to judge how events, as they are unfolding and will continue to, are handled. The past is prologue but - it is also a critical measuring guide.
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Aimee
4.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Insightful, opinionated
Reviewed in the United States on January 13, 2018
Interesting history of Middle East politics from post-WWI through the George W Bush administration. The narrative gets behind the scenes into the deliberations and sparring of the leaders of Israel, Saudi Arabia, the US, and other stakeholders. It is mostly a critique of... See more
Interesting history of Middle East politics from post-WWI through the George W Bush administration. The narrative gets behind the scenes into the deliberations and sparring of the leaders of Israel, Saudi Arabia, the US, and other stakeholders. It is mostly a critique of blunders among the political leadership of the US, Palestine, and Israel and tragic missed opportunities for peace.
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marilee
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
I look forward to reading this book every day,
Reviewed in the United States on December 4, 2014
What fascinating facts regarding all that goes on in our country and the international events and the people.
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Ed Ball
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Keep your friends close, and your enemies closer
Reviewed in the United States on January 14, 2009
As a 20 year Navy veteran, I''ve often stated "history repeats itself" and this book tells us why. Power, corruption, naive aspirations, incompetence, risk takers, spiritual quests, political ransom, blood letting, heroics, leadership, major accomplishments, scheming, and... See more
As a 20 year Navy veteran, I''ve often stated "history repeats itself" and this book tells us why. Power, corruption, naive aspirations, incompetence, risk takers, spiritual quests, political ransom, blood letting, heroics, leadership, major accomplishments, scheming, and simple minded childish behavior it''s all here. We call them Mr. President.
Highly recommended, make sure you have plenty of time off, you won''t put this one down! This will probably change your opinion of our role in the Middle East, it has mine. You be the judge.
25 people found this helpful
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Teresa Balke
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great service
Reviewed in the United States on May 9, 2010
The book arrived in terriffic condition, and arrived sooner than expected. The seller is true to their word regarding quality and follow through. I will use them again in the future....very happy/
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Gary Hainsworth
4.0 out of 5 stars
Holds Back No Punches
Reviewed in the United States on December 8, 2012
There was an episode of the HBO series "Hung" called "The Middle East is Complicated". I''d say that pretty much sums the place and this books approach to exploring this complexity very well. This book goes into detail about the history of The Middle East, explores the... See more
There was an episode of the HBO series "Hung" called "The Middle East is Complicated". I''d say that pretty much sums the place and this books approach to exploring this complexity very well. This book goes into detail about the history of The Middle East, explores the strenghths and weaknesses of those active in it. Unlike most histories of the region and the eras pertinent to them this book takes no obvious side. In my opinion, it is bi-partisan in the truest sense. Unlike most books, which more or less attempt to assign blame to one particulair person, ideology, nation, what-have-you--be it a problem with Democrats, Republicans; Arabs, Jews; America and The Soviet Union--this says everyone is responsible for the quagmire more or less [my words not the books]. If politics is a dance this book asserts it takes two to tango [again my words not Patrick Tyler''s]. Would I recommend this book? Yes. Would I buy it? Not on paperback or hardcopy. I would buy it on Kindle though. I also recommend you "From Time Immemorial".
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Omer Belsky
4.0 out of 5 stars
Strangers in a Strange Land
Reviewed in the United States on June 8, 2009
"A World of Trouble" is a history of the US involvement in the Middle East, which offers an accessible and insightful, if overlong and somewhat uneven, introduction to the story of the turbulent area in our times. Given that the book covers some fifty years -... See more
"A World of Trouble" is a history of the US involvement in the Middle East, which offers an accessible and insightful, if overlong and somewhat uneven, introduction to the story of the turbulent area in our times.

Given that the book covers some fifty years - from the mid 1950s until the second administration of George W. Bush, it resists easy summery; There''s simply too much going on, from the complicated relationship of Jimmy Carter and the Shah of Iran, to the minuet of Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations. The book also skips forward and backwards, touching some issues only very briefly (the George W. Bush presidency and the transformations it brought are treated particularly lightly).

One theme is the general incompetence of US Presidents. Only Dwight Eisenhower and George H. W. Bush come out of the book with their reputation more or less intact; Jimmy Carter wins praise for his assuring of the Egyptian-Israeli peace, but is severely criticized for his ineffective policy vis a vis Iran. Reagan, Bush Jr., and Clinton receive little but scorn, although Tyler acknowledges that Clinton had great empathy for both Jews and Arabs.

Richard Nixon is the most interesting case. Tyler asserts that Nixon understood the Middle East well enough, but that he let his policies be shaped by Henry Kissinger, who, rather than a cold hearted Realist, is portrayed here as a Sentimental, instinctive pro-Israeli player. I''m not familiar enough too judge, but other accounts of Kissinger''s involvement in the Middle East present him in a much more positive light - see particularly Aaron David Miller''s The Much Too Promised Land: America''s Elusive Search for Arab-Israeli Peace .

Another theme running through the book is that US Presidents are usually effective when they pressure Israel to behave itself, and ineffective when they give in to its militaristic impulses. Thus Eisenhower forced Israel to evacuate the territory it gained in the Suez Crisis (what Israeli know as the Sinai War of 1956), and Carter leaned hard on Prime Minister Menahem Begin leading to the signing of the Israeli Egyptian Peace. LBJ, on the other hand, encouraged Israeli aggression by avoiding pressuring Israel to return the territories it has gained during the Six Days War.

I''m not sure Tyler is right; His account seems to underestimate the extent to which US cooperation with Israel led to the promotion of American interests in the Middle East. Standard accounts of the Israeli-Egyptian negotiations hold that Egyptian President Sadat pursued them as a strategic mean of getting close to the United States. According to Michael B. Oren''s brilliant Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of the Modern Middle East , the Six Days War broke out because Israel did not receive enough US assurances.

The most problematic aspects of Tyler''s narrative come when he discusses the Clinton years, in which the US pursued Israeli-Arab peace aggressively. In a sense, this is the most redundant part of the book - there has been many good books published covering the same ground, often written by participants in the drama or people who have had better access to the principles. I have to confess that in discussing the Peace process, I found Tyler''s mostly even handed approach to the conflicts replaced by one more skewed towards the Palestinian narrative.

Thus Tyler shows great sympathy to the Palestinian perspective that little changed after the Oslo accords. That was, to an extent, correct: Most of the Palestinian territory was still ruled by Israel. But from the Israeli perspective, the concessions it has made, while minor, actually made things worse - it led to far worse violence against Israel than ever before. While Tyler acknowledges that Arafat smuggled weapons to the Palestinian territories - allegedly for Palestinian self defense - he ignores the widely held view that Arafat did not reject terrorism, but applied it opportunistically, leashing and unleashing Hamas terrorism as it suited his purposes.

Perhaps the worse offense is Tyler unequivocal statement that the second (Al Aqsa) Intifada was not initiated by the Palestinian leadership. Tyler does note cite any sources in reference to this statement, which to the best of my knowledge is not true. US negotiator Dennis Ross, at least, was agnostic about the possibility (see The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace ), and many Israelis and pro-Israeli commentators present considerable (although not necessarily conclusive) evidence to the contrary (See Alan Dershowitz'' The Case for Israel ).

I think Tyler is overly critical of Clinton''s role in the Mid East process and not critical enough of the role played by Israeli Premier Ehud Barak and Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat. In Barak, Clinton found an Israeli leader willing to go far beyond what any other Israeli leader, including Rabin (whom Tyler lionizes, downplaying the fact that Rabin''s outlook was both inconsistent and relatively conservative). It would have required inhuman caution to put the break on Barak''s admittedly wild schemes. Barak wanted to press for a final agreement with both the Palestinians and the Syrians - how could Clinton say no? It was Barak who placed Arafat before a do or die decision, and the responsibility of both of them that the deal did not come through.

Readers who expect significant insight into the actions of the second Bush would be wildly disappointed; Tyler breezes through his presidency, in a narrative that is critical but not particularly insightful.

Patrick Tyler''s book is a good introduction to Middle Eastern politics and America''s role in them. Tyler usually manages to combine narrative with (sometimes questionable) analysis in an attractive way. The earlier chapters are particularly good, and the chapter about the Suez crisis stands out in its excellence. Tyler''s prose is very readable, although his habit of jumping in the middle of the story and than going back to explain gets old after awhile. All in all, I recommend "A World of Troubles" as one of the better books on the Mid East out there.
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A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale

A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East--from the Cold lowest War to the online War on Terror outlet online sale